Contributors: Lee, Byungkyu, Bearman, Peter
... The 2004 General Social Survey (GSS) reported significant increases in social isolation and significant decreases in ego network size relative to previous periods. These results have been repeatedly challenged. Critics have argued that malfeasant interviewers, coding errors, or training effects lie behind these results. While each critique has some merit, none precisely identify the cause of decreased ego network size. In this article, we show that it matters that the 2004 GSS—unlike other GSS surveys—was fielded during a highly polarized election period. We find that the difference in network size between nonpartisan and partisan voters in the 2004 GSS is larger than in all other GSS surveys. We further discover that core discussion network size decreases precipitously in the period immediately around the first (2004) presidential debate, suggesting that the debate frames “important matters” as political matters. This political priming effect is stronger where geographic polarization is weaker and among those who are politically interested and talk about politics more often. Combined, these findings identify the specific mechanism for the reported decline in network size, indicate that inferences about increased social isolation in America arising from the 2004 GSS are unwarranted, and suggest the emergence of increased political isolation.
Replication Data for: Hyun, Christopher, Post, Alison E., and Isha Ray. 2017. "Frontline Worker Compliance with Transparency Reforms: Barriers Posed by Family and Financial Responsibilities." Governance. DOI: 10.1111/gove.12268.
Contributors: Post, Alison, Hyun, Christopher, Ray, Isha
... Paper abstract: Significant development funding is channeled into informational interventions intended to improve the quality of public services. Such “transparency fixes” often depend upon the cooperation of frontline workers who produce and disseminate information for citizens. In this paper, we study frontline worker compliance with a transparency intervention in Bangalore’s water sector, providing one of the first multi- method companion studies to a field experiment. Based on ethnographic observation and analysis of an original dataset, we find that it is essential to understand how workers prioritize new responsibilities relative to longstanding ones. Worker perceptions of the “core” job can be sticky—especially when constantly reaffirmed through interactions with citizens. For workers whose family responsibilities take time away from their positions, new tasks are even more neglected. While the street-level bureaucracy and principal agent literatures emphasize how personal characteristics influence compliance, our findings highlight the importance of financial and familial circumstances. Additional notes: This project was funded by the Development Impact Laboratory, Blum Center for Developing Economies, U.C. Berkeley (USAID Cooperative Agreement AID-OAA-A- 13- 00002) and through a pre-dissertation grant from the Institute for International Studies, U.C. Berkeley.
Contributors: Werfel, Seth
... Replication dataset and script
Contributors: Harbers, Imke, Ingram, Matthew C
... Replication code and sample data used for above mentioned publication in Political Analysis.
Contributors: Bhavnani, Rikhil, Lacina, Bethany
... Replication data for a forthcoming article in World Development. Abstract: Internal migration is thought to have substantial benefits for migrants and for the development of migrant-sending and migrant-receiving areas. In order to facilitate such migration, central governments may need to use fiscal transfers to ensure services to migrants, address infrastructure shortfalls, and ameliorate labor market displacement of natives. In fact, an extensive, mostly normative ``fiscal federalism'' literature has argued that central governments ought to use transfers to reduce interjurisdictional externalities such as those due to population displacements. We extend this literature empirically by examining the degree to which exogenous, long-term migration prompts the redirection of central fiscal resources in India. Following the literature on distributive politics, we argue that transfers in decentralized systems addressing the costs of population movements are influenced by partisan politics. Using monsoon shocks to migration, we show that increases in migration are met with greater central transfers but that these flows are at least 50% greater if the state-level executive is in the Prime Minister's political party. Consistent with the theory, the influence of politics is greatest on parts of the budget subject to greater executive control. This politicization may explain why Indian states maintain barriers to internal migration despite the development costs of doing so.
Replication Data for: Mobilizing the Public Against the President: Congress and the Political Costs of Unilateral Action
Contributors: Kriner, Douglas, Christenson, Dino
... Prior scholarship overlooks the capacity of other actors to raise the political costs of unilateral action by turning public opinion against the president. Through a series of five experiments embedded on nationally representative surveys, we demonstrate Congress’ ability to erode support for unilateral actions by raising both constitutional and policy-based objections to the exercise of unilateral power. Congressional challenges to the unilateral president diminish support for executive action across a range of policy areas in both the foreign and domestic realm and are particularly influential when they explicitly argue that presidents are treading on congressional prerogatives. We also find evidence that constitutional challenges are more effective when levied by members of Congress than by other actors. The results resolve a debate in the literature and suggest a mechanism through which Congress might exercise a constraint on the president, even when it is unable to check him legislatively.
Contributors: Benjamin Wood, Michell Dong
... These files explain how to reproduce Wood's and Dong’s replication study of “Finding Missing Markets.” Replication researchers should start by reviewing the "Wood and Dong Recalling Extra Data readme".
Contributors: Umana, ImeIme
... This folder contains the contents of a project examining the relationship between demographics and nearby early vote locations in the 2016 and 2012 elections in North Carolina. FILES: * derived: This folder contains data produced by nc_evote_analysis.do * maptile: This folder contains the files needed to define a “ncvtd” (North Carolina Voting Tabulation District) geography for the Maptile Stata program. Once Maptile is installed, drag these files to the same folder as the Maptile ado file in your personal ado folder. * nc_evote_analysis.do: The Stata DO-File that processes raw data and produces results * source: This folder contains the source data for the project. Some of these files are raw downloads, while others were created manually from a combination of inputs * tables_figures: This folder contains tables and figures produced by nc_evote_analysis.do
Contributors: Lindvall, Johannes
... Replication data for "Economic Downturns and Political Competition Since the 1870s." The do-file contains all code necessary to replicate the tables in the paper (including the tables in the online appendix).
Replication data for: How Censorship in China Allows Government Criticism but Silences Collective Expression
Contributors: King, Gary, Pan, Jennifer, Roberts, Molley
... We offer the first large scale, multiple source analysis of the outcome of what may be the most extensive effort to selectively censor human expression ever implemented. To do this, we have devised a system to locate, download, and analyze the content of millions of social media posts originating from nearly 1,400 different social media services all over China before the Chinese government is able to find, evaluate, and censor (i.e., remove from the Internet) the large subset they deem objectionable. Using modern computer-assisted text analytic methods that we adapt to and validate in the Chinese language, we compare the substantive content of posts censored to those not censored over time in each of 85 topic areas. Contrary to previous understandings, posts with negative, even vitriolic, criticism of the state, its leaders, and its policies are not more likely to be censored. Instead, we show that the censorship program is aimed at curtailing collective action by silencing comments that represent, reinforce, or spur social mobilization, regardless of content. Censorship is oriented toward attempting to forestall collective activities that are occurring now or may occur in the future --- and, as such, seem to clearly expose government intent. Notes: Please see our followup article published in Science, "Reverse-Engineering Censorship In China: Randomized Experimentation And Participant Observation." See also: Automated Text Analysis