Political Geography

The speeches, interviews and policy documents of the Irish Government from the Brexit vote to the end of 2017. These are all publicly available but are compiled here for ease of analysis. If using this for academic work please cite.

Data on frontier societies (Brazil, United States, Russia, Canada) used in article, plus R script for regression tables.

Stata 13 format data of state population and area ratios 1790-2010

The CSV file is the raw data from the experiment. The Word files include discussion groups, by assigned narrative.

This dataset contains three shapefiles with buildings, derived from three different VHR satellite images of 2005, 2010, and 2014 of the city of Goma in the eastern DR Congo. These layers have been generated by manually digitizing each individual building, based on visual interpretation of the imagery. These building layers serve as the base for quantitative analysis and mapping of urban development - and hence constitute the geodata the article is based on.

Replication data and files for the article: "Could Rainfall have swung the result of the Brexit Referendum?" by Patrick Leslie and Baris Ari.

Dataset used for analyses of Place and Participation in Local Elections (Lappie and Marschall).

It is replication dataset for article "Local and More Local: Impact of Size and Organization Type of Local Municipal Communities on Candidacy". Dataset is based on several sources. From the nomenclature of the parts of municipalities in the RUIAN database of the Czech Office for Surveying, Mapping and Cadastre (CUZK), we received information about settlement units recognized by the state authority. We accommodated the nomenclature for every election. We excluded non-existing parts and inscribed newly established parts of municipalities. Individual changes in the definition of the part are noted in detail in “Přehled změn RSO” administered by the CZSO. Because the presence of two electoral arenas can lead to lower interest in candidacy in one of them, statutory cities, which elect unitary whole-city councils simultaneously with multiple city-district-based local councils, were excluded from the dataset. Even though the criterion relates only to 7 cities, these cities encompass nearly ¼ of the population of the Czech Republic. For this reason, our analysis deals only with municipalities under 150 000 inhabitants. The results of the analysis, therefore, cannot give plausible evidence about candidacy in units of municipalities considered to be cities in a European context. To every settlement unit, we assigned information about the number of candidates, which was found as the summary of the lists of candidates provided by open data from the Czech Statistical Office (CZSO). Data defining independent variables were added to the dataset. The number of units in a municipality was assigned to every settlement unit. Settlement units in municipalities containing two or more units were assigned to the category of amalgamated municipalities. Municipalities including just one settlement unit were assigned to the category of non-amalgamated municipalities. Addresses of local offices were obtained from the “Electronic server of local authorities” (ePusa), and through the linking of addresses of local offices to appropriate units, we were able to determine central versus peripheral units. Data comprising socio-economic characteristics of the population of settlement unit came from the Population and Housing Census (2011).

Replication dataset for J. Evans, K. Arzheimer, R. Campbell, P. Cowley (2017) 'Candidate localness and voter choice in the 2015 General Election in England', Political Geography.

Internal armed conflict is the ultimate instantiation of two actors – the state and a nonstate group – challenging the legitimacy of one another. The state primarily responds violently to those who challenge, either violently or non-violently, its legitimacy. To what extent does the violent suppression of rebel activity erode state legitimacy? How does the potential for the use of violence by non-state armed groups and the offer of parallel governance erode state legitimacy? This research develops an argument specific to contested territories where both sides cannot offer model governance but use violence for opposing reasons, namely the rebel group to delegitimize the state and the state to regain its monopoly on the legitimate use of force. Because the use of violence from either side creates a demand for judicial remedies, I conceptualize the degree of legitimacy in terms of the utilization of the state court system in the face of increased violence by the state or non-state armed groups. In line with theoretical expectations, empirical analyses of criminal and civil cases filed in Nepal’s district courts during the Maoist insurgency suggest a statistically significant negative impact of the rebel use of violence and their offer of alternative governance on state legitimacy. Similarly, the state’s use of violence had a negative and significantly detrimental effect on state legitimacy.